Community Externships: 언니네 작은 도서관

Part of my internship with the ISC has involved participating in community externships with three community organizations affiliated with the ISC. From September – December, I volunteered with each organization one time every month. This experience has been helpful in helping me meet more members of the Korean social movement, to learn more about different sectors of Korean-centered progressive political work (since the ISC’s focus is international solidarity movements), and to above all get a sense of what being in and part of the activist community is like here in Korea. Having attended a women’s college, feminism is an important issue to me. Yet, as I learned by the end of four years’ time, ‘feminism’ as we tend to use it too often refers only to the experiences and difficulties of a certain group of women with certain economic, racial, and ability privileges, meaning that too often the experiences of women most at the margins get silenced or erased completely. Upon moving to Korea, I heard infinite variations of the statement “Korea is a patriarchal and sexist country.” Living in Jeollanamdo, where neo-Confucian-era gender traditions have prevailed more strongly than in other parts of the country, I experienced this for myself often enough, seeing how the female teachers were expected to serve the male teachers and clean up after them on the school picnic, and how my host-mom was expected to stay at home to raise the children even though she had a masters from Yonsei in teaching. Yet the ‘Korea is sexist’ mantra has always sat badly with me, not least because I seem to hear it most often from other foreigners, whose strangely smug way of saying it hints slightly of cultural superiority and condescension. Feminism is a problem in Korea from the foreign perspective, but the problem is tied to assumptions of Western cultural superiority – if Korea is a gender-unequal society, the reason is because they have not applied the proper (aka, the West’s) framework of feminism. However, such an approach ignores the particular history of Korea and the need for a movement rooted in that history. Thus, even when people attempt to address the issue in a well-meaning way, their efforts often fall into the trap of the white-savior complex, as they try to ‘teach’ Korea about the error of its sexist ways, all the while failing to interrogate their own privileges as expats, and – perhaps most egregiously – to recognize the Korean groups who are already doing feminist work in their own communities[1]. One such organization is 서울여성회, or the Seoul Women’s Organization. Founded in 2007, their role is forging a new direction for gender justice in Korea. The organization’s vision is based on the idea that, because of Korea’s traditional gender roles, women are socialized to take care of others. For example, after a woman gets married and has children, her title transforms to “So-and-so’s mother.” This is exemplary of the way in which Korean women’s societal roles have historically centered around the family, but also how, in doing so, it pressures her to prioritize her familial ties above all else, even herself. For these reasons, and in order to change society and gender discrimination, women’s organizations like 서울여성회의 began to emerge. Through being a part of such an organization, they feel, women can first begin to take care of themselves; then, by gathering and exchanging ideas, they can begin to change society as well. While they have a few major initiatives, such as holding events, including a “feminist academy” (or feminism reading group), one of their main initiatives has been the founding and running of 언니네작은도서관. 언니네작은도서관, or “Sister’s Library,” is a community library in Daerim-gu in Seoul. The area is known for its large migrant population (~84% of the area’s residents), as well as the multiple cases of sexual violence that have occurred in the area. In looking for ways to address the sexual violence problems, the 서울여성회의decided that establishing a community library was the best way to do so. In doing so, they could provide an essential community service (since before that time there was no library in the area) as well as reach members in the community (as they pointed out to me, a library is one of the rare community centers that has the potential to reach people across age and gender lines), in doing so building their organization and support for their vision. Much like the Urban Agriculture Network, My Sister’s Library believes in injecting a positive communal shift into the community that combats the dangers and distrusts of the area by creating a space for and encouraging the forging of new relationships between its members. The library’s programming reflects this, holding events such as story time for children, art projects and weekend excursions together, and a group for parents.

This isn’t actually my photo (nor is this what the library is generally like when I’m there – but I didn’t take many pictures there, so I took this from their facebook page to provide some idea of what the space looks like. Here, the group is holding a meeting to discuss their monitoring efforts of the “안전한마을,” or “Safe Village,” concept, put in place by the Seoul City Government, which utilizes CPTED (Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design) ideas.

So far, I’ve volunteered with them three times. The first time I helped with the preparations for a community play event that was being held at the library. Since the play was being put on by the New Generation Arts Collective (an awesome political arts troupe that shares office space with the ISC!), though, I didn’t really interact with the library staff much that time. The two other times I have volunteered during regular days at the library, which entailed checking in/checking out books for library patrons, manning the café, and looking up book titles on the national library website’s database to get the official library classification numbers. Yet, of all of the organizations I’m working with, I feel as if I know and understand this one the least. I think this is partly because of the more solitary nature of their work; on a regular day, everyone works at their desk in the office (as opposed to the chaos of the daycare, or the extracurricular nature of the urban agriculture network).

Behind the scenes of the community performance, which had to do with Sewolho and familial love… *tear*

However, it might also be that, because I had the most knowledge of this area (feminism) before coming in, I’m not coming into the experience with as fresh of a perspective because I can’t shake my preconceived notions of (US) feminism. For example, I’m not used to feminist organizations that center children or childcare – possibly it’s because of my age, but I also think that US feminism often distances itself from explicit ties to children, perhaps because it’s afraid of evoking the traditional image of women as the de facto childrearers of society, or perhaps due to the dichotomous, “having it all” nature that conversations around gender seem to have in America. I’m intrigued by why this might not be so much the case here in Korea; while the 서울여성회의 is geared towards women generally, the 언니네작은도서관 is very much geared towards women with children. This seems to be because a community library is firstly a good way to reach such a demographic, and secondly an ideal place to politicize the women who come there (as their kids can play or read while they attend study sessions or meetings). But, obviously, this is only certain female demographic. What about women who do not have children? Is reaching different kinds of women important to them? I also realized that I’m not sure exactly what feminism means to the organization exactly on an ideological level (besides the end of sexual violence and gender discrimination)… does Korea’s feminism have ‘waves’ like the US does? How does their feminism see itself in relation to class, sexual identity, even international oppression issues? Finally, I’m also interested in further investigating the relationship between the large migrant population in Daerim and the community library, and how they see this fact fitting into their larger vision of gender justice and equity (especially given the rise of ‘migrant wives’ in Korea… do migrant women or migrant populations fit into their fight for Korean gender equality?). What I’ve experienced so far has given me lots to think about. I don’t think I’ve ever experienced such a strongly community-based approach to gender justice before – nor have I ever been in a feminist space that so strongly embraces the presence of children. But despite the questions I still have, the benefits of both of these tendencies became most clear to me during the community play that I volunteered at. That evening, as people began showing up, I was pleasantly surprised to see almost everyone that I have been meeting and working with these past couple of months (even some of the kids from 다같이 놀자!). That was the first time that I felt like I truly understood some part of the feeling of community in Korea. So while I am still having some trouble understanding the link to the larger feminist aims of the organization, from that experience I feel the significance of the role that spaces like the 언니네작은도서관 play in helping build community, not just physically, but politically.

Creeping on cute random babies at the library while also convincing them not to put their hands in dirty cups/clean cups/coffee filters… probably the most real description of what I do there.

[1] Although I haven’t any direct interactions with the organization, Hollaback Korea seems to mirror many of these problems, as shown in this experience of a fellow former Fulbrighter: http://sincerelyanya.wordpress.com/2013/12/08/half-formed-thoughts-on-feminism-and-hollaback-korea/#comments.

Community Externships: 영등포 도시 농업 네트워크

Part of my internship with the ISC has involved participating in community externships with three community organizations affiliated with the ISC. From September – December, I volunteered with each organization one time every month. This experience has been helpful in helping me meet more members of the Korean social movement, to learn more about different sectors of Korean-centered progressive political work (since the ISC’s focus is international solidarity movements), and to above all get a sense of what being in and part of the activist community is like here in Korea.

The 영등포구 Garden Plot

The 영등포구도시농업네트워크, or the Yongdeungpo-gu Urban Agriculture Network, is a community organization located in Yondeungpo-gu, Seoul dedicated to urban farming and agricultural initiatives. If you’re a newcomer to the concept of urban agriculture, like me, then that might not mean much. Generally, urban agriculture is the practice of cultivating, processing, and distributing produce within a city (as opposed to importing it from the countryside, which is where produce is typically grown before being sent to city centers for distribution and selling). The idea is a popular one that’s spread to many metropolitan cities, but in Seoul, which has the highest population density among the world’s large developed cities, this idea seems especially intriguing.

The Urban Agriculture Network was originally founded through the union of two groups of people. The first group simply had an interest in farming and cultivation, and so wanted to experiment with it as a hobby. The second group saw urban agriculture as a way to reinvigorate the idea of community and to combat the negative effects of urbanization, such as urban isolation and urban violence. Their hope was that, through farming and the collective responsibility of farming, they could in effect re-communalize the city and decrease these problems. The latter group approached the former, and five years ago, they came together to form a network in order to share ideas, both about transforming society and practical knowledge related to cultivating and growing, all of which they continue to do today.

Because Seoul is such a large city, the network is divided into sub-networks by “-gu”s (districts), – so because I live in Yongdeungpo, I meet with the Yongdeungpo Network. The group consists of 30-some odd members, although I’ve only met the core group, which consists of about 7 members. Their activities mainly include:

• Education through a reading group focused on learning about alternative agriculture, farming, and sustainability, as well as holding education programs on such topics for the general public
• Community events such as marketplaces and movie screenings at their garden, and participating in community events with other similar organizations
• Farming: although I wasn’t able to participate in any farming last year (and it’s now wintertime which unfortunately means a hiatus until the spring), when the season’s right the group typically gets together to farm their community garden on the weekend, growing everything from lettuce and peppers to peanuts and strawberries. The garden, which they share with others, is the only one of its kind in Yongdeungpo, so they are also looking for additional plottable land.

영등포마을축제/Volunteering at the Yongdeungpo Village Festival. We made organic eggshell fertilizer and handmade soaps.

So far, I have only met with them twice. The first time, I attended the Yongdeungpo Community Festival to help staff the Urban Agriculture Network’s booth with other members. Throughout the day, we taught festivalgoers how to create organic eggshell fertilizer and held three sessions for children on how to make handmade soaps (during which I learned that “teaching” kids hands-on activities frequently means “doing it for them and then getting them to approve the final product”). It was an exhausting day (set-up was at 9am and takedown at 4pm, and no one spoke English so it was a language-intensive day indeed), but it was fun, and I really enjoyed getting to know the other members, who were incredibly friendly and welcoming to me despite the language barrier and my frequent confusion about what was going on. The second time I met with them I attended their end-of-the-year party (which I felt somewhat bad about since I had only really met with them the one time and it seemed as if I was taking credit for their hard work during the year, although I enjoyed seeing them once again). The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the year’s events and also to provide feedback on how the year had gone for them as an organization, which I couldn’t contribute much to (or, again, understand -_-;;;). However, it turned out that one of the members runs a culinary experience business, and she invited me to make 메주/maeju, which is the giant blocks of crushed soybeans that are left to ferment for a year and which eventually make 된장/doenjang, the Korean soybean paste. So I spent the following day at her kitchen with her and some of her friends helping her boil soybeans, crush the boiled beans, shape them into bricks, and tying them with twine to be hung up to dry.

메지 만들기/Making Meju!

As someone who’s never been that into ‘green’ causes, I had very little idea going in what urban agriculture was, or what its purpose was. But through the organization, I’ve come to appreciate it both physically and ideologically. On the physical side, there’s something fun and immediate about learning how to make things and inheriting practical knowledge. It kind of reminds me of being a kid and how everyone wanted to try the hands-on activities, before we were taught to prioritize efficiency, that automation, mechanization, and mass-production can solve everything, and that more always means better. On the ideological side, I’m impressed by the way that urban agriculture links interests in the welfare of both people and the planet in an organic and fun way that transforms our relationship to both. One of the organization’s inspirations that one of the members cited to me was the success of organoponicós, or urban organic agriculture in Cuba. Urban agriculture and alternative agricultural methods gained popularity in Cuba in 1989 due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union (and thus, Cuba’s source of petroleum, which is required for large-scale agriculture). Without fuel imports, domestic agriculture fell by half, and problems with food scarcity developed. In response, the Cuban people began growing their own food through small farms, developing farmer cooperatives and markets, as well as organizations to train others in urban agriculture, which became a crucial aspect of realigning Cuba’s system of food production. Although the success and efficiency of Cuba’s system remains somewhat contested, the country’s rapid turnaround in production is undeniably impressive, not just with regards to creativity and innovation, but in terms of the nation’s food self-sufficiency and food sovereignty. Given Korea’s own issues with food sovereignty, the urban agriculture network holds clear ties to larger questions about production, consumption, and a way of life that balances both and prioritizes an equitable relationship between the two.

회원 송년회의/End-of-the-year party!

Community Externships: 문턱낮은공동육아 “다같이놀자”

Part of my internship with the ISC has involved participating in community externships with three community organizations affiliated with the ISC. From September – December, I volunteered with each organization one time every month. This experience has been helpful in helping me meet more members of the Korean social movement, to learn more about different sectors of Korean-centered progressive political work (since the ISC’s focus is international solidarity movements), and to above all get a sense of what being in and part of the activist community is like here in Korea.

Mural outside the daycare center

다같이 놀자 is a daycare center founded by Korean activists with children who wanted to establish an alternative to the mainstream daycare/educational system. The story behind its inception is actually one of the best examples I know of the difference between community organizing in Korea and that in the US. Apparently, there came a time when some Korean activists all started getting married and having kids (which, after having volunteered with them, I now know means a TON more energy). In the US, this kind of thing would usually lead to people ‘taking a step back’ or dropping out of their political involvements entirely. Instead, however, these activists’ response was to ‘take a step forward,’ by which I mean they tried to see how this new development could be negotiated to come together even more closely as a community. So they decided to form a collective, pooled resources, and together started this preschool. The educational mission of the preschool is also very different from that of a typical Korean preschool. The center’s name translates to “Let’s Play!,” which is basically its premise: that young kids need freedom, and creativity, and to play. If, like me, that was what you did in preschool, this might not sound all that impressive, until you realize that some Korean preschools have kids reading, writing, and studying at the age of three… THREE! The daycare center is also intentionally small, with only 6 kids. (ranging from ages 2-6). This, they argue, is in response to the industrialization of childcare (and, later on down the road, education), where the child/student-to-teacher ratio is very high and the profit-to-labor ratio is therefore maximized. The head parent of the cooperative that oversees the daycare made the point that it’s the educational equivalent of what happened with Sewolho, linking the greed of capitalism with the exploitation of Korea’s children… and after hearing about conventional preschool and combining it with my memories of teaching in a conventional Korean high school, I have to agree.

On an operational level, the daycare does function pretty much like a regular daycare: the kids arrive by 10am, play in the morning, have lunch together, have naptime, eat a snack, play some more, and then go home around 6pm when their parents come to pick them up.

The kids’ schedule: 9-10am arrival, 10-10:30 morning greeting, 10:30am-noon playtime, 12-2pm lunchtime and cleanup, 2-4pm naptime, 4-4:30pm snacktime, 4:30-6pm playtime, and then going home to get ready to do it all again the next day!

Rather, it’s little things that stick out to me as unique about the experience. First is that instead of using names, the children call everyone by nicknames. The reasoning for this was explained to me as being in order to help the children feel comfortable expressing themselves (since generally Korean speech involves calling someone by a specific title and using honorific or casual speech when addressing them depending on their relative position to yours within the social hierarchy) – although I wasn’t sure if it was in opposition to that, or merely delaying their need to use it. In any case, the two teachers’ names are 토끼 (Rabbit) and 딸기(Strawberry). Can you guess mine?! It’s 파프리가 (Paprika! Although I recently learned that in Korean, “paprika” really refers to “bell pepper” – aka my least favorite vegetable >.<. Although being referred to as “bell pepper” by adorable little kids makes it all slightly better I guess).

Another is the level of involvement that the parents have with the preschool. Because it was formed out of their mutual collaboration and continues to be run under their shared vision, they really take ownership of it and are much more involved – for example, one of the parents is always responsible for cleaning up the space at the end of the day. They also seem to have a pretty strong community sense outside of the daily daycare duties – one of my volunteer days was spent with the parents boothing at a local community fair, and I’ve seen them meet with their kids for activities on the weekends as well.

Center’s Rules: 1: Talk nicely with others 2. Be patient 3. Help others

The center also stresses collaboration, sharing, and talking through conflict with the kids, which is something I’m not used to seeing. This part I’m not sure I always get because of the language barrier, but it does seem unique in this aspect. I was struck by the behavior of the teachers and older children and how well they were able to navigate extremely dangerous waters: preschooler conflicts. I don’t think I’ve ever seen kids be so intent on inclusivity, and trying to convince others to share, and saying “let’s do it together!” so often (which is not to say that they don’t have their normal selfish-kid moments and breakdowns – but still, I think it’s impressive).  The kids also only eat organic food, which is kinda cool, and is also very much in keeping with the idea that kids should be treasured and we should be actively trying to provide the best for them, not just what is convenient or conventional.

I know you’re really wondering just who these kids are exactly, so… without further ado…

신아 (left) is the oldest girl at the preschool and probably the most mature 6 year old I have ever encountered. I’ve never seen her be selfish or throw a temper tantrum or not treat her 동생s with the utmost patience. She’s also really cute and really smart.

두성 (left) is the oldest boy at the preschool and is the son of the daycare cooperative’s president. He was a little slow to warm up to me but is really spunky and loves to play. He sometimes gets so excited or wrapped up in things that he forgets to be as considerate but he is generally a good 형 to all the kids. He really likes trains ^^

건희 is adorable and I shouldn’t play favorites, but I definitely have a special fondness for her. I can’t help it… SHE’S SO CUTE! And I think I’m her favorite, too! She gets really happy when she finds out I’m there/cried once when she thought I was there and then I wasn’t. How can I not be obsessed… her favorite thing to say is “건희도!”, which is basically saying “Me too!” in the third person to everything all of the time… it kills me.

예준 is hilarious because he’s a little bit pompous despite being 2 years old. He is incredibly hard to understand and whenever I can’t understand what he’s saying to me he gives me this look like… ‘I can’t believe you can’t understand what I’m saying, what is this…’. He has a little bit of a disobedient side (naptime has been a war between him and 토끼 선생님 both times I’ve been there), but usually he runs around quite cheerfully.

아민 is incredibly sensitive: he cries every morning when his mom or grandma drops him off at preschool (which is funny because that’s what I used to do, I think… I feel you, kid), but after he calms down he is super-smiley and laughs a lot. I think he’s the youngest, and so he still has a little bit of trouble talking/doing motor function things like hand-eye coordination/eating.

During my time with them, I have volunteered two days at the preschool with the teachers, and attended one community fair, where I helped set up and staffed the booth with their parents, and played traditional Korean games with the kids when they came for their daily outing (usually they plan outings in the morning and/or afternoon during their normal days, but both days I’ve volunteered at the center we’ve been inside all day).

During that time, I would have to say that I’ve come to appreciate children for the wonderful, terrifying, hilarious, anxiety-provoking, invaluable wonder that they are. Having never spent time with young kids, I had no idea what to expect, and at times, I still don’t (really though, with kids, can you ever really completely?), but in the past few months, I have learned a couple things. I’ve realized that education begins not within the classroom but waaaay before that, when kids learn how to relate to others and what modes of interaction are or are not appropriate (playing together: yes – stealing toys/being mean: no). I’ve realized how being a teacher to such young kids requires mindfulness at all times if you want to teach kids to relate to others or behave in a non-hegemonic way. And I’ve (re)realized how crazy the world can when you’re seeing it through new eyes – although it takes a lot to remember this when cheering the kids on when they’ve stacked their 80^th consecutive block and look to me expectantly for approval. But, mostly, I’ve realized how lucky I am that they were gracious enough to let me into their community and trust me with their kids, whom they value above all else!

PS – they recently started a facebook page, on which they post tons of cute pictures of the kids! https://www.facebook.com/pages/%EB%AC%B8%ED%84%B1%EB%82%AE%EC%9D%80%EA%B3%B5%EB%8F%99%EC%9C%A1%EC%95%84-%EB%8B%A4%EA%B0%99%EC%9D%B4%EB%86%80%EC%9E%90/305177566334462

“Now is the Time for Food Sovereignty” – Korean Consumer Gyeonghee Yang on the Korea-China FTA

On November 10, 2014 at the APEC Summit in Beijing, President Park Geun Hye and General Secretary Xi Jinping announced that the Korea-China free trade agreement negotiations were “practically concluded.”Gyeonghee Yang is a consumer of the Korean Women Peasant’s Association monthly agriculture box scheme. She also volunteers with My Sister’s Garden, a project also run by the KWPA. She believes that consumers’ fates are entwined with that of producers’, and that they must work together to change the future of Korea’s agriculture. On Monday, November 24^th, Jeong Eun Hwang and I met with her to discuss the Korea-China FTA from the perspective of a Korean consumer. (Interview by Stephanie Park, Interpretation by Jeong Eun Hwang). *This interview is the end of a 4-part expose by the International Strategy Center on the impact of the Korea-China FTA on Korean civil society.*

How did you as a consumer become interested in ethical consumption?
I quit my job 2-3 years ago. While I was working, I didn’t have time to consider ideas of consuming and consuming the ‘right’ way. After I quit, I felt that I should use my education to work to improve society. I first learned about the concept of ‘food sovereignty’ through a friend who was involved with the KWPA and their postings on social media. So I began to participate in the box scheme offered by the KWPA, and also began trying to find ways that I could contribute to their vision as a consumer. Through working with the KWPA, I began looking further into the issue of food justice and food sovereignty. An especially important text for me was the Nyeleni Declaration on Food Sovereignty[1]; I was shocked when I read it, and I also thought, “Maybe this is the answer to our future.” Food sovereignty is important to all human beings. As consumers, we should have the right to choose our own food that’s been produced sustainably and safely, and that is culturally proper. It seems funny to even have to say that that’s a basic right every human being should have, but the reality is that we live in a world where food sovereignty is taken away from us.

I’m not sure if I’m a ‘conscientious consumer,’ though. I think it’s hard to have a definite definition of what that looks like; rather, it can only be decided on a case-by-case basis. I’m not always doing the absolute right thing in terms of my consumption. But I know about and believe in the idea of food sovereignty, and I think there’s a problem with the current structure of food in Korea.

What would you say is the general consumer reaction to the FTA passing?
The general reaction seems to be that, as with all FTAs, people expect that prices will drop across the board. As for me, when I talk to friends, I ask them, “Am I a Korean or Peruvian citizen?” Because in relation to food consumption, these days sometimes it’s hard to tell. As an example, during the summer, it was really hot, so I ate a lot of frozen blueberries. One day I got curious and checked where they were from – and it turned out they were all from Peru. When the FTAs first began to pass, I thought it wouldn’t affect me that much – I don’t go out looking to buy and consume imported things. But I found that it already had. It’s not that I had consciously made the choice one way or the other as to whether I would consume foreign products – I didn’t really consider it that much – but I expected to at least know if I was. Instead, I found I was already unintentionally doing so. The government and society pushes you to do so – they make it hard to differentiate between domestic and international products and incentivize you to buy the international imported items by selling them at a cheaper price than domestic products.

The common argument is that the consumer can only benefit from the FTA passing; for example, market competition improves and prices go down, which is good for you, the consumer. Do you agree with that line of thinking?
I disagree with that statement for two reasons. The first is because after the Korea-EU FTA was finalized, people expected the prices of luxury brand items to go down – but actually, the prices increased. So FTAs don’t give consumers the benefits that they claim to.

The second reason is that, even in cases where this is true, it’s still not good for consumers in the long run with regards to food sovereignty. For example, the blueberries I ate this summer were cheaper and more convenient, but I feel that my decision to consume them will return to me as a boomerang effect, as it will do for the rest of society. If we consume more foreign produce, then foreign sales will increase; the, Korean food sales will decrease, and it will negatively impact the production of Korean food in the future.

Why is this a problem? For example, the Philippines, used to produce their own rice – but now, they have to import it all[2]. With the Korea-China FTA, our rice markets will open, and perhaps the same thing will happen to us, since they also did not have a vision for their country’s agriculture. Sure, we can buy and eat a cheaper price now, but it will have an impact on us in the future. I feel guilty about it as well – I am not a model consumer. But the policy decisions that are being made are so crazy – what choice do I have but to make the decisions that I have as a result?

Are consumer groups organizing any protests against the FTA? What are your own personal plans to oppose it?
I don’t have in-depth knowledge of what consumer groups are doing, but I know that there is one social media webpage on food sovereignty that held an education awareness initiative, encouraging people to learn about food sovereignty, FTAs, and to educate other people about these things – and a lot of regular people joined and became educated through that. There are also anti-FA demonstrations going on – I didn’t participate, but I know that consumer cooperatives are participating in that as well.

Solidarity amongst the different sectors is crucial, because we as individuals have little power. We have to gather together in order to gain strength. At the same time, though, I know how difficult that is. So, what should I do? I can buy Korean produce, and participate in demonstrations, but as an individual, my contributions feel like they have little power. Truthfully, I’m not optimistic about things. The FTA is so powerful – it’s like a tsunami. What can we do against it? But I am continuing to think about how we can create solidarity; the path is not clear, but it is important to fight nevertheless.

Why do you think it’s important for consumers to act in solidarity with those whose livelihoods are directly affected by the FTA, such as farmers and small business owners?
There absolutely needs to be consumer solidarity with the farmers and small to midsized business owners, because humans are social animals. Consumers can’t exist alone as consumers; if there are no farmers, there can’t be any consumers. We need to think of ourselves as a community, where the goal is for all people to live well together, because our welfares are ultimately tied up together – you can’t separate ‘farmers’ and ‘farmers issues’ from that of the consumer.

As a consumer, what would your ideal vision of Korea’s food system look like, and what would that require from others (be it farmers, markets, the government, or other sectors)?
I think the most important thing is sustainability, to have a system where farmers can cultivate constantly and where their livelihood is secured. The Korean government doesn’t have a real policy on agriculture, which leaves Korean farmers vulnerable. For example, transnational seed company Monsanto has already entered the Korean market; most people aren’t aware that this has happened, but the result is that farmers are forced to purchase seeds and take up monoculture. If this continues, the biodiversity of Korea will be lost, and food will become a weapon. A better alternative is garden farming, which is traditional Korean farming. Through that, we can replant native seeds, and can plant many different crops so that the soil’s nutrients are sustained.

The Korean government’s policy is lacking, because it’s not for the farmers. The leaders don’t even think about the problem. Sometimes I even wonder: do they even know what agriculture is? I can actually understand that mindset to an extent, because when I was busy working, I also didn’t have time to think about such issues. But there needs to be an overall structural change. People need to be able to have a choice, and their choices should not be taken away. We also need to protect food for the next generation so that they can have the same rights and same choices that we have. To make all of this possible, we need to change the social system; and consumers need to be aware of that. That’s why education is so important – to show agriculture’s link to the most basic aspects of life.

The readership of the ISC’s World Current Report includes international readers: what would you like to say to them as a Korean consumer?
First, I am reminded of something I heard about ten years ago, that the Korean company Daewoo was doing a land grab in Madagascar. Under the Lee Myung Bak administration, they leased land there to grow agricultural products for Korea. Madagascar’s government supported the deal, but it caused a lot of problems for the people of Madagascar[3]. I was shocked when I heard the news about what had happened – it was at that time that I started to hate the concept of food security. I hate that term because I think it’s dangerous to see food as a security issue, because if we see it that way, food becomes a weapon and a justification to harm and oppress other countries. So I want to apologize to the people of Madagascar as a member of Korea society.

Secondly – I want to reemphasize the fact that there’s nothing one individual can do alone – that’s why we need solidarity. Global solidarity is definitely needed. I would like to recommend that people read the Nyeleni Declaration on Food Sovereignty if they haven’t already, in the hopes that it will inspire them as it inspired me.

And lastly, I would like to tell everyone a message, which is also my favorite quote from the Nyeleni declaration: “Now is the time for food sovereignty!”

[1] The Nyeleni declaration on food sovereignty was produced at the Forum for Food Sovereignty in Sélingué, Mali, in 2007. The forum was a result of people from grassroots movements all over the world coming together to discuss how they could shape the development of a sustainable food system. To read the full declaration, visit: http://nyeleni.org/spip.php?article290.

[2] In the past, the Philippines used to be self-sufficient in rice. Now, however, it is one of the world’s top importers of rice; in 2007, it was listed by the US Department of Agriculture as the number one importer of milled rice. This proved to be a problem during the 2008 world food price crisis when international rice prices skyrocketed, leading to national hunger problems. According to the Philippine Human Rights Information Center, “the country’s transformation from self-sufficiency to international dependency indicates a lot about how the government has been fulfilling its obligations in relation to the right of Filipinos to food.” To see the full report, visit: http://philrights.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/World-food-crisis-and-the-Filipinos-right-to-food.pdf.

[3] In 2008, South Korean firm Daewoo Logistics announced plans to buy a 99-year lease on a million hectares in Madagascar with intentions to industrially farm corn and palm oil. Production was mainly earmarked for South Korea, in the name of lessening dependence on imports. The plan was put on hold indefinitely in early 2009 after it earned massive international criticism.

“A Culturally Economically Independent Community” – Small Business Owner Jeong Moon Chae on the Korea-China FTA

On November 10, 2014 at the APEC Summit in Beijing, President Park Geun Hye and General Secretary Xi Jinping announced that the Korea-China free trade agreement negotiations were “practically concluded.” On November 21, 2014 ISC Policy and Research Coordinator Dae-Han Song interviewed Heo Jeong Moon Chae, owner of a wood recycling business on the impact of the Korea-China FTA on small and medium sized enterprises. *This interview is part 3 of a 4-part expose by the International Strategy Center on the impact of the Korea-China FTA on Korean civil society.*

Can you introduce the business that you operate?
We are a wood recycling business. We take wood pruned from trees in the mountains, or on streets and roads or wood discarded from construction sites. We take all of that and turn it into sawdust. Then, we provide it to organic fertilizer companies where it is mixed with animal manure. Or, we provide it directly to livestock producers to help them dispose of their animal manure. We employ five people in the factory; one in the office; and 4 truck drivers – since we transport materials on a large-scale.

How did you feel when you heard that the Korea-China FTA was “practically concluded”?
When I heard the news, my first reaction was, “We are screwed!” There had been talk about it for a while, but they hadn’t announced that it would be that day. While our direct clients are livestock owners and organic fertilizer producers, the ones that use the fertilizer are farmers. So for us to do well, farmers have to farm a lot.

The FTAs are killing farmers. So crops from the fields will decrease. Then, the amount of fertilizer that is produced will decrease. If fertilizer factories go out of business then we go out of business. When the Korea-New Zealand or Korea-Australia FTAs were being negotiated, the livestock portion was very important to us. That’s because our business is connected to farmers and livestock. Only when they do well, do we do well.

Many people say, “Korea can only survive when our big corporations do well, in particular Samsung.” What do you think of that? Why are small and medium enterprises important?
When we say small and medium enterprises, we are talking about a whole range of businesses. Any business with revenue under 10 billion won (about US$ 10 million) is considered a small and medium sized enterprise. We are a family owned business. In that regard, we are small. Our revenue is 2 to 3 billion won. However, we are big in the sawdust industry: While we are small, there are many other smaller companies.

Samsung, Hyundai, LG – they are big international companies. But in our sector, there are other businesses and self-employed people associated and connected with us. Let’s say there are a hundred of us [sawdust producers] nationally, then us along with all those connected to us, like smaller businesses and truck drivers connected to us, will greatly outnumber those that can be employed at Samsung or Hyundai.

When a large corporation enters a market and starts to gobble us up, then we turn from independent producers to subcontractors. As that happens, more and more of the profits get concentrated in the conglomerates like Samsung and LG; of course, these profits aren’t going to their employees or the small and medium enterprises. They are simply going to the stock holders.

In the news, you hear announcements of various policies that supposedly make Korea a good place to start a business. But in reality, none of these benefits go to small and medium sized businesses. For example, when it comes to taxes, they say that they need to increase corporate taxes. The impact of those taxes on small businesses is great. But, the big corporations get to reap a lot of benefits. For example, if you use more than a certain amount of electricity then the government subsidizes you. Small businesses can’t even apply to this. There was recently an article about how almost all electricity subsidies were going to the top ten corporations. And like we hear in the news, corporations utilize lawyers, exploit the legal structure, and find loopholes to get out of paying taxes. Small businesses don’t have that type of influence.

Just because Samsung, LG, and Hyundai do well does not mean that our people will do well. It just means that the largest shareholders in those companies reap great profits.

What do you think will be the impact of the Korea-China FTA to small and medium sized businesses?
If we look at the Korea-China FTA, the basic premise is that Korea would gain services, finance, and intellectual property from China; in exchange, it would hand over agriculture and manufacturing. If we look at small and medium enterprises in our country, they are focused mostly on manufactured goods and domestic industries. When they talk about intellectual property rights in the Korea-China FTA, they are talking about hallyu [i.e. Korean entertainment (e.g. movie, music, television) industry]. Experts have said that manufacturing is ruined.

Politicians use economic indices to fool people. When our country’s GDP goes up, we still have to investigate where that money goes. The direction the government is going is scary. Agriculture and manufacturing provide the basic goods in people’s lives: They are the essential goods; Stocks are just paper. Yet, the ones with the stocks keep making more money.

What would you say is the character of small and medium sized businesses?
Well, as I said before the designation comes from your level of revenue. Many small and medium sized corporations are playing the role of subcontractors for big corporations. But if the government continues to only help and support big corporations, then more of these small and medium sized enterprises will become subcontractors to the large corporations.

Companies produce goods. They also hire workers. These workers use their wages to consume goods. If we continue down these pro-big corporation policies, they are going to destabilize this circulation.

Is there a possibility that large corporations will start subcontracting Chinese companies?
Now, with tariffs gone, they will probably examine that possibility. If before we used raw materials from our country, now we start to import them. There’s a lot of propaganda saying that this FTA will benefit small and medium sized enterprises. From the point of view of a corporation, the FTAs can be profitable. For example, when we sign FTAs with Europe or Japan then we can acquire cheap machinery that they specialize in. Then, the domestic company that produced this machinery goes bankrupt.

Already, we import refuse from Japan. Even in my instance, because prices in Korea are more expensive, I start to wonder if I should produce sawdust with cheaper materials from China or Russia. This doesn’t allow for circulation within our own country. However, when we look at it from the perspective of profit, we can’t but consider these things.

Why is domestic circulation important?
Because we are living in this country. If we just calculate in terms of money, then through the exchange rate maybe we can get cheaper materials or cheaper labor. But, this is our country. I live in this land. The number of jobs here will decrease. Maybe tourism from China will increase. But what is someone like me supposed to do? The only type of job I would be able to get will be at a tour agency, or selling tourist goods, or learning Chinese and becoming a guide. The food we eat, the clothes we wear – they won’t be produced by us. I can’t work in those companies nor would I be able to start such company. I would only be able to work in a big corporation or at welcoming tourists. Wouldn’t the structure of a country become strange? Can that still be considered a country? I think it distorts its character as a community that is economically and culturally independent.

What can the government do to protect small and medium sized enterprises?
They have to change the direction of its policies. Korea is calling itself a business friendly environment. But, those benefits do not apply to small businesses. It is just a country where it is easy for big business to succeed and foreign companies to invest in. If we keep going in this way, only retailers will remain. We will not have people that produce and create value, but simply ones that exploit the exchange rate. The structure of our country could potentially change from producing to simply being consumers and retailers.

During the Lee Myung Bak Administration, as part of his green energy plan, he started to burn tree and wood refuse for energy. Companies like ours and the ones that use saw dust to make wood planks had a fit. The materials that would have gone to assembling wood-planks were now going for use as alternative energy. As the supply of materials shrinks, the prices increase. To deal with this, we created the Association of Recycled Wood.

When the government set a specific percentage of discarded wood to be used for altnerative energy, the big corporations started to enter. Previously, the companies that turned this wood refuse into saw dust and recombined them into planks were all small companies. As we started to produce woodchips, big corporations came in. Dong Suh Foods would create a corporation that would produce wood chips. Because they have a lot of capital, they would create huge wood chip processing facilities. In that process, many of the small companies went out of business. So through our Association, we are working to limit the entry of big corporations and designate this sector to be friendlier towards small and medium sized companies.

Is there anything you want to say to people abroad?
People abroad also have to live and survive day by day. So, some of them will eat Mac Donald’s hamburgers even though they know it’s not good for them. It may be healthier to prepare food at home; but because there isn’t time or money, they do not. I wish those living abroad would examine their lives in a larger perspective: “What are you eating? How are you living your lives?” Instead of just being, “I can’t help it, I don’t have any money.” I wish they would ask themselves, “What are the connections? Why don’t I have money in my pocket? What is the impact on my health? Who is taking my money?” Then it will become clear how we need to transform society to create true peace and fairness for ourselves, our neighbors, and posterity.

“Heralding the Death of Korean Farmers” – Korean Women Peasants Association Vice President Kyeongrye Han on the Korea-China FTA

On November 10, 2014 at the APEC Summit in Beijing, President Park Geun Hye and General Secretary Xi Jinping announced that the Korea-China free trade agreement negotiations were “practically concluded.” Kyeongrye Han is a farmer on Jeju Island and the Vice-President of the Korean Women Peasants Association. On Friday, November 21^st, I and ISC Communications Coordinator Jeong Eun Hwang met with her to discuss the recent passing of the Korea-China FTA and its impact on Korea’s farmers. (Interview by Stephanie Park, Interpretation by Jeong Eun Hwang). *This interview is part 2 of a 4-part expose by the International Strategy Center on the impact of the Korea-China FTA on Korean civil society.*

Firstly, why are Korean farmers opposing the Korea-China FTA?
It’s not that we only oppose the Korea-China FTA; rather, we are against FTAs of all forms. Throughout its history the government has lacked a basic vision for agriculture, and since the 1960s when industrialization started, Korean agriculture has been sacrificed more and more for the sake of developing industrial power. Even Korea’s own agricultural and trade policies happen at the expense of Korea’s own agricultural industry. All FTAs destroy Korean agriculture. Korean farmers know that the FTA and government policies will kill them; they know it, instantly.

As for the Korea-China FTA specifically, China has a lot of arable land, and production costs there are much lower than in Korea (anywhere from a fifth to half of the cost). China is also geographically very close, much closer than any other country Korea has signed an FTA with; they also produce almost exactly the same types of produce as us. Because of these factors, even the smallest openings of Korea’s market to China will have a huge impact on Korean farmers that may be impossible to recover from.

For example, currently there are Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS) in place for Chinese products; produce and meat should be frozen or processed – nothing live. This is so that if there is contaminated produce or livestock, Korea can halt trade. While the measure is currently still in place, China is pressuring Korea to remove it, and both have committed to renegotiate its terms in the future. Removing this provision will remove the primary barrier to Korea’s livestock and fresh produce. Typically, products should be quarantined and checked, a process which takes two-three days, but if the measure is removed, the process would be shortened to just a few hours, making it easier for Chinese producers to penetrate the Korean market with more perishable items. If it is renegotiated, fresh fruit, vegetables, and livestock will be able to enter the country from China, and one of the last measures to protect Korean farmers will be gone. China already produces 70% of Korea’s agricultural imports without the FTA; if the FTA takes effect, it will destroy Korean farmers and Korea agriculture completely.

As a farmer, how do you feel the impact personally of the FTAs?
I farm 120 cows at a time; before the KORUS FTA was signed, I received a reasonable price for them at the market. But since then, the price continues to steadily decrease. The government subsidizes those who can’t continue farming because the money they earn does not recoup production costs – but that will stop this year. I and other farmers can no longer be guaranteed our livelihoods through farming. If the market continues to open, this uncertainty and decrease in our welfare will just continue until we have nothing left.

The Korean government is arguing that this is the smallest opening of the agricultural and marine products market amongst all of the FTAs it has signed, and thus sees its negotiations as a victory. What do you have to say to that?
First, it’s necessary to point out that the content of the agreements have not been fully released, so the accuracy of the statement can’t be verified. It’s true that from what we have seen so far, the government did try to protect agriculture, and it’s true that the concessions they made are less than we had expected. However, such facts are nevertheless meaningless: even without the FTA, China already has such a large presence in our agricultural markets that even the smallest opening will cause irreparable damage. Furthermore, they may have protected agriculture now – but after ten years, they are supposed to agree to lowered tariffs, and after twenty years, there are supposed to be almost no tariffs. So in the long run, it’s impossible for the government to say they care about Korean farmers and agree to sign the Korea-China FTA. It’s merely the difference between killing Korean farmers swiftly now or dragging it out over the next two decades.

What about the argument that the future of Korea’s agriculture actually lies in exporting agricultural products to China, or in processing internationally imported agriculture into Korean processed products to then be exported internationally? Do you think that idea holds any merit?
That idea is so ridiculous it seems almost childish. China’s processed product market is already incredibly competitive – their range of products is so wide, and they already have lower prices than Korean products. Korea wouldn’t be able to compete in the Chinese market. Furthermore, the people making that argument have their own biased motivation for doing so. One of the major proponents of this idea is Kim Jae-soo, the CEO of the Korea Agro-Fisheries and Food Trade Corporation (aT), which is an organization that imports Chinese products and distributes it into the Korean market. The Korean government is supposed to be responsible for dealing with food supply and demand in Korea; for example, if they predict a shortage, they are supposed to import food to make up the difference. However, even if they make an error and miscalculate, they still release the Chinese products into the Korean market and drive Korean farmers’ prices down. So the passage of the FTA benefits groups like aT. Honestly, it’s because of people who think like this that we’re in the predicament we’re in now!

What actions are Korean farmers taking to protest the Korea-China FTA?
The Korean and Chinese governments will finish negotiating the agreement by the end of this year; after that, it will be passed to the National Assembly to be ratified in 2015. Our plan is to stop the ratification. The full contents of the agreement have yet to be released, but as it will include negotiations with industrial production, it will also have a powerful effect on small and midsized business enterprises, as well as workers. Despite the emphasis here in Korea on chaebol[1] companies, they only employ 20% of Korea’s workforce; the other 80% comes from small and midsized businesses. So clearly the FTA is not only an issue for farmers, but for laborers and entrepreneurs as well. Consumers are also wary of Chinese products because of health and safety issues in the past. We plan to come together to form a coalition and struggle together to pressure the National Assembly not to ratify the agreement. The important thing that we’re considering now is how best to mobilize all groups, from farmers to workers to consumers. So far, the FTA problem is largely considered a farmer’s problem, a specialized problem, but in reality it’s not – it affects all sectors.

What would be a better alternative to the FTA? What is Korean farmers’ vision for the future?
The biggest problem is that the Korean government doesn’t have a vision for the future of agriculture. They ignore Korean agriculture, because in their mind, it doesn’t have competitive potential in the international market, so it’s not worth their energy or attention. But food shouldn’t be in the hands of the global economy. It’s Korea’s responsibility to provide its people with safe and healthy food, and its laws and regulations should reflect that. There was an assemblyman who proposed a law that would guarantee food security – it’s currently stalled in the National Assembly. But basically, the government would purchase basic produce from farmers and sell it to consumers for a reasonable price. This is my vision; that farmers’ livelihoods, farming production costs, and the future of Korean agriculture are valued and protected by the law.

Why should people internationally care about this development? And how can those that stand in solidarity with Korean farmers best support them in this struggle?
We need to focus not only on the Korea-China FTA, but the bigger picture. In Korea, the government is pursuing all of these FTAs because they’re attempting to join the TPP, or Trans-Pacific Partnership[2]. Under the TPP, there would be no tariffs allowed on any agricultural products, which would be disastrous for Korean farmers and Korean food sovereignty. Internationally, these agreements only benefit the more powerful countries – the lesser countries shoulders the impact, which they do in the name of overall ‘economic gain’ – but it’s not a fair exchange. In Korea, Korean farmers and workers are the ones to absorb all of the negative impact. Agreements like FTAs and the TPP are all about neoliberal economic policy; they benefit the 1%-ers of the world, but bring a lot of suffering to the 99%-ers of the world. Therefore, as human beings, it’s obvious that we have to oppose them, and international activists need to spread awareness that FTAs and the TPP is only in the interests of transnational capital, not people.

[1] Term for large Korea’s business conglomerates

[2] The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a proposed regional free-trade agreement. As of 2014, twelve countries throughout the Asia-Pacific region have participated in negotiations: Australia, Brunei, Darussalam, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the US, and Vietnam. Korea expressed interest in joining in November 2010, and was invited to negotiating rounds by the US after the conclusion of the KOR-US FTA in December 2010.

“Free Trade is a Tool” – Professor Lee Hae Young on the Korea-China FTA

On November 10, 2014 at the APEC Summit in Beijing, President Park Geun Hye and General Secretary Xi Jinping announced that the Korea-China free trade agreement negotiations were “practically concluded.” On November 19 2014, ISC Policy and Research Coordinator Dae-Han Song interviewed Hanshin University Professor of International Relations Lee Hae Young to more broadly understand the impact of the “practical conclusion” of the Korea-China FTA negotiations. [Photo sourced from the Hankyoreh.] *This interview is part 1 of a 4-part expose by the International Strategy Center on the impact of the Korea-China FTA on Korean civil society.*

What is your reaction to the Park and Xingping Administration’s announcement of a “practically concluded” Korea-China FTA?
There are no such thing as “practically concluded” and “not practically concluded” trade negotiations. Either a negotiation is concluded or it is not. But since this bilateral meeting was in an APEC summit, they came up with “practically concluded.” We can understand this announcement as an expression of both parties’ commitment to finishing this agreement.

What happens next?
After the agreement is concluded, we [South Korea] have a legal screening. Then we have to have a scrubbing, where we take out and iron out the parts that don’t work legally. Then we have an initialization. Then we have to sign it. We still have a ways to go, probably until the end of this year. Investment and services is very important to us, so these parts need to be negotiated very well. To evaluate the success of the negotiations, we need to see the schedule of concessions and commitments which the government has yet released.

Getting a negative list for services is important to us. Currently we have the positive list which only lists what will be opened up. They say the financial sector is included but we don’t know the contents yet. China said that they opened up the entertainment sector, but they are allowing only 50-50 joint investments. All this makes me wonder if there is anything to expect from the service sector negotiations.

Going from the positive to the negative list in the service sector will be a huge undertaking. If now they only identify sectors to be opened up, later they can only identify sectors to protect with the rest being opened up. Switching from the positive to the negative list will not be easy. As you know, China is very important for Korean investment. There is a lot of money being invested.

The Korea-China FTA, has provisions for investment protection, but most of those investment protections are already included in the Korea-China BIT. Trade liberalization is about being able to invest anywhere you want; protection is about protecting that which is already invested. They are saying that now they will go from protection to liberalization. But this will not be so easy. There is a lot of Chinese investment money. That means that Chinese investment money can invest wherever they want in Korea. In addition, the government has to guarantee full rights to them through the ISD. This will be very difficult.

If there are so many difficulties ahead, why did the governments make the “practically concluded” announcement?
Both countries’ interests were aligned to make such a statement. Since the US TPPA is in its final stages, China needed to make Korea a stepping stone [for its own regional bloc] as soon as possible. In order to break through the US attempt to create a TPPA, China is pushing its FTA Asia Pacific (FTAAP).

From the Korean government’s point of view, this announcement can be sold to the public as a huge foreign policy success. The Chinese market is very important for Koreans. Thus, there is an interest for the Korean government to publicize that we have made inroads into the Chinese market.

Are there any misconceptions about the Korea-China FTA?
One myth is that the Korea-China FTA will give a huge boost to manufacturing in Korea. Automobiles have been left out of the Korea-China FTA. Yet, automobiles were supposed to benefit manufacturing. In that regard, I think the government exaggerated the benefits of the Korea-China FTA.

The second myth is that the government protected agriculture and livestock by maintaining high tariffs through concessions. The reality is very different. In reality, the part of the final price [that which the consumer pays] made up by tariffs is just about 1-2 %. The value of a tariff is determined not by the final price but by the cost of the product upon import. So if an item costs 100 won, but its cost at the price of import was 20-30 won, the tariff that is applied is based on the 20-30 won. So in reality tariffs contribute very little to the final price of a good.

Who benefits from all this?
It will be the corporations that export and that were included in the FTA. The schedule of concessions and commitments has not yet been released. We would have to take a look at that, but possibly: auto, steel, machinery, electronics. Auto has been taken out so they are not really going to benefit. However, some auto parts will probably be tariff free. However, the key auto parts have been excluded. As regards to steel, there will be access, but there is already an excess of steel in China. Then, we have electric and electronics. But that is a toss-up. We can win or lose. That’s because there will also be cheap electronic goods coming into Korea.

There will be profits for sure but it’s unclear exactly who will get it since the schedule of concessions and commitments has not been made public. If you are a Korean exporting company that has advanced technology and capital I think you will receive some sort of benefit.

Who wants this?
The way I look at it, FTAs have become a type of group thinking. There is a notion among the Korean power elite that we must have FTAs. This is group thinking. Have they examined whether the FTAs yielded what they promised? Let’s look at the Korea-EU FTA. It has already been three years. Before, the Republic of Korea had a 10 billion dollar surplus with the EU; now, it has a trade deficit. Yet, no one is taking responsibility. At the beginning of the Korea-EU FTA, they stated that there would be a total GDP growth of 5.6%, that 260,000 jobs would be created, and that exports would increase. Jobs didn’t increase, GDP didn’t grow, and Korean exports plummeted.

There is a cartel of silence. No one says anything. This cartel of silence keeps the group thinking going. If someone outside states, “That’s not true.” There’s no response.

The government talks about a linchpin policy between China and the US. What do you think about this?
It’s a fantasy. The concept behind the linchpin is that we can be the pin that connects the two G2 countries. Maybe this could be true if Korea’s economy was sizable enough to have an impact on both countries, but if we look at Korea’s economy within China’s or the United States, it is just one component in it. It may not be negligible – China is the 4^th trading partner and the US is the 8^th trading partner – but it is not enough. You have to play a much larger role in each of the economies for Korea’s economy to influence them.

Who loses from this?
Agriculture, livestock, and fisheries in particular the small and medium scale ones; small and medium merchants and enterprises. 90% of small and medium enterprises produce for domestic consumption. For example this table that we are sitting at or printing business cards. If the Korea-China FTA takes place, then these small medium enterprises might as well just move their factories in China produce their goods there cheaper and then export them freely to Korea since there are no tariffs.

What will be the impact of this on people?
There will be an increase in unemployment and a reduction in income to all those connected. The decrease in income will decrease consumption and savings. If there is a decrease in consumption, then there will be a decrease in production. And so the economy will worsen.

In some regards the Korea-China FTA is different from the Korea-EU or Korea-US FTAs, as China can be considered technologically weaker than Korea, unlike the United States and the EU. What are the differences if any between the Korea-EU and Korea-US FTA with the Korea-China FTA?
In terms of the level of liberalization, the Korea-US FTA is at the highest level and is the most comprehensive. Service was also liberalized the greatest. The Korea-EU FTA is about the same. It started after the Korea-US FTA and the Korea-US FTA served as its prototype. So the Korea-EU FTA was like Korea-US FTA plus more. The Korea-US FTA became the prototype FTA for Korea.

If we compare the FTA with China to that with the US and the EU, it is much lower. All the chapters are there, but the level of liberalization in the service market, or the liberalization of investment is lacking.

Is this because Korea wanted it this way? Or is it because conceding to more would not have fit with China’s economy?
In terms of GDP, Korea has recently become a developed country and China is a developing one. However, in terms of the size of China’s manufacturing, its market, and size of its capital – all of these surpass even that of the United States. So, in that regard, if China says no, then it’s no.

Then can we say that the Korea-China FTA is closer to what China desires?
Yes, because what we would have desired is a greater opening of the services market. The automobile market would also have been opened up. But, this can cut both ways. Hyundai knows that while Korea’s automotive industry is internationally competitive, opening up the auto market will also allow Chinese cars to enter. If they do, we won’t be able to compete. We wouldn’t be even able to compete with Chinese assembled German cars. These cars would just be slightly more expensive than the Equus [Korean luxury car]. Furthermore, if Korea can produce economy cars for 10 million won, China would be able to produce Chinese cars at a fraction of that cost even if the technology is inferior.

Do you think new FTAs in Korea and around the world will keep on being created or will something shift in the future?
I think we will reach a turning point soon. Currently, Korea is only missing an FTA with Japan. That will get figured out when Korea joins the TPPA. At that point, Korea would have had established an FTA with most countries. The only countries that remain will be the developing ones. But that won’t be very significant: As the number of FTAs increase, their impact decreases. Two FTAs don’t yield double one FTA. This is because while FTAs create trade, they divert it at the same time. Also on a global scale, tariffs have been going down for a long time. With the expansion of FTAs, they have been further decreasing. At some point they will be zero.

I think that we will stop once the US achieves the level of liberalization that it desires. This is not something that could keep going on infinitely. It is also not a sustainable structure. We started with small FTAs in the 50s and 40s now 60-70 years later it expanded so greatly; during that time, the WTO was created. It was created based on one country one vote, but because the United States is an empire it couldn’t accept that. So to bypass that process, it started to do FTAs bilaterally. The FTA is a old historical relic.

Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and Free Trade Area of Asia Pacific, and Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement – will they converge or remain divided?
It will not be easy. In a global market economy, all markets don’t grow equally. Some countries boom and others bust. Each country has different conditions. They all differ in their levels of industrial development, the character of their market, or the opening of its financial markets. The US is using FTAs to weaken the structure of the WTO because what it wants cannot be achieved by the WTO. So will this naturally come together into one system? No one is interested in this. They are just driven by whether it can make a profit or not. They don’t care about what will happen in the future.

The government predicts a 2-3% increase in the GDP, what is your response?
That’s not going to happen. You can be sure of that. It’s risky for me to say that, but I am sure about it. They used Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) economic modeling to calculate those values. It is an economic modeling program that estimates the impact of trade. But, there are too many assumptions. That result only comes out when all the assumptions hold. But, the assumptions are too unrealistic. If unemployment rises, then it is supposedly reabsorbed into another sector. If there is a deficit in one sector, then this is balanced by surplus in another. So, supposedly it all balances out. If this were true why have the levels of unemployment in Europe and Korea increased? And if after all these assumptions, if you still don’t receive the values that you want then you “massage” the data a little bit. The government has been tossing around 2-3% GDP growth for a while. Our estimates come out to a tenth of that. Some of us academics did an independent estimate and we got something like 0.3%. And this is the total growth over 10 years. If we look at that compared to the Korean GDP, this is insignificant. As regards to employment, our data shows that there will be 21 new jobs every year. 21 jobs?!

So in short the Korea-China FTA has little benefits but a lot of pain.
No, this means that it can give great benefits to some and great detriment to others. If we look at it in its net totality, its benefits may be very little, but some sectors may gain a lot while others lose a lot. One part makes a whole lot of money, but another part loses 98%. What remains is 2% growth. The parts that can gain a lot will be for example the companies that focus on exports.

Is it possible for 2^nd 3^rd round negotiations to take place in the future?
Yes, of course if both countries want it then they can because it is a bilateral agreement. Renegotiation is possible on everything.

What does a just and fair trade treaty look like?
It will look like the People’s Trade Agreement in Venezuela. Venezuela is an oil producing country. Cuba does not have oil; it does not have energy. So, Venezuela sends Cuba oil, and Cuba sends medical services. Don’t both countries benefit? I think this is free trade.

Why is it possible over there, but not in Korea?
Sure, that economy is significantly smaller than Korea’s, but free trade is a tool, it is not the end. Free trade is for something. Why are we doing free trade agreements? In the case of the People’s Trade Agreement, they do it to provide for example eye surgery for people. They do it because Cuba does not have oil. This is comparative advantage. But here, it is for profit. What is the weakness of that country? How can we exploit that weakness and profit the greatest and be free to escape? The purpose of these international agreements is to guarantee profits. The profits of the conglomerates are the most important thing. If there is any money left, then maybe use some of that for welfare programs. But there is no motivation such as treating people’s eyes. The People’s Trade Agreement is also the same as the free trade agreements, it is about getting rid of tariffs. But the question is why are we getting rid of these tariffs? Over there it is to treat ill people, here profit for conglomerates is the main purpose.

Will Fight a Thousand Times Over: The Power of a Mother

So I’ve been terrible about keeping up with writing (…as per usual… ㅜㅜ). But a while back, I was lucky enough to sit in on the ISC’s interview with 민가협/Minkahyup, an organization for the family members of those who have been politically imprisoned under Korea’s National Security Law. Every Thursday afternoon at 2pm, they hold a protest at Tapgol Park in Seoul to demand a) the release of all political prisoners, and b) the abolishment of the NSL. Thursday, October 16th, marked the organization’s 1,000th protest. While many Korean activists came out to support Minkahyup and to pay respects to the mothers who have carried on the struggle, the fact that the organization continues to organize and exist out of necessity lent an underlying somberness to the event as well. During the event, a speaker noted that Minkahyup’s goal is to be rendered obsolete; that no more people be imprisoned, and no more families be torn apart by the government. I’m not used to organizations advocating for their own end, but it just goes to show the depths of the Minkahyup mothers’ dedication; they organize not for fun, but for a goal that they wish to see through til the end. Thank you to the Minkahyup mothers for sharing their stories; I hope that, together, we can see your goals accomplished and that you and your families can get the peace you deserve.

solidarity stories

by Dae-Han Song

Making History: Minkahyup

The interview was carried out by Dae-Han Song and Stephanie Park with interpretation by Jeong Eun Hwang.

On October 16th, Minkahyup had their thousandth Thursday protest against the National Security Law and for the release of all political prisoners. On October 22^nd, Jeong-Eun Hwang[1], Stephanie Park[2], and Dae-Han Song[3] visited Minkahyup[4] to interview its current president Jo, Soon Deok[5]; former president Kim, Jeong Seok[6]; and administrative coordinator Kim, Hyun Joo[7].

“What was your reaction when you found out your sons were wanted by the police?” I start the interview. Jo, Soon Deok begins, “Mothers usually think, ‘The work [fighting for democracy] needs to be done, but why does it have to be my child?’ I felt the same.” A few months after becoming Student Council President, her son gave a…

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Activist Interviews #1: A Conversation with 황정은

One of the most valuable aspects of my time in Korea so far has been getting to meet and work with Korean activists. Since I first began learning about the Korean social movement, I’ve been interested in the differences between activism in Korea and the US; unlike in the US, where people constantly cycle in and out of their activism, it’s normal to see Korean activists dedicate their life to the cause (for example, seven years, which would be enough to earn you respect in the US context, is enough to prove you have some interest in activism in Korea). Through this series, I hope to shed further light on the inner workings of the Korean social movement by profiling the people who make it all possible.

My first interview of the series is with황정은(Hwang Jeong-eun), the communications coordinator for the International Strategy Center. She has been working for the organization since 2010. Her work has included assisting with the translations of Latin America and 21st Century Socialism and Food Policy for People from English to Korean. As someone who has long had ties to the social movement but only recently decided to make it her central focus a few years ago, she’s a relative newcomer to the activist lifestyle, so I was particularly interested in hearing what it was that had inspired her to do so.

What first inspired your interest in activism and the Korean social movement?

I didn’t have an interest in it when I was a student, especially middle and early high school. Then when I was in high school, one of my sisters entered university, at which time she joined the student movement. At the time, she spent almost all of her time at school, and I also stayed at school, so we couldn’t meet that often. But when I entered university, I met her often and I could see what she was doing.

My sister was the one that exposed me to the movement. At first it was just listening to what she told me. She told me stories that I couldn’t hear on TV or the radio, or even from books or the professors at my school. Then, she invited me to meet the people around her. For example, she invited me to an event where all the student activists from each province gathered together. Seeing so many students protesting against what they thought were injustices and demanding justice was kind of a cultural shock. So that was really… I felt different. I could see the difference between the world I thought was real and the world that I was actually living in. Little by little, my sister exposed me to other worlds that the mainstream media didn’t show me. Then, when she graduated from university, she started work with the Korean Peasant League (KPL). Sometimes they participated in international solidarity work, so I helped translate into English when the staff from other countries came to Korea to meet the KPL. So at that time I could see that more people – not just students, and not only Koreans, but international people as well – are working for social change. But the first inspiration I had in this work was from my sister.

My second source of inspiration comes from Haesook Kim [the founder of the ISC]. My sister introduced me to Haesook in 2008, because I could speak English and Haesook wanted to focus on international solidarity. Through her, I started to realize that I was caught in the middle, ideologically. I called myself gray, because I had one foot in one side, another in another side. For example, in college, I majored in American trade and commerce. When I studied these things, I believed everything my professor told me about economics and capitalism, or that was the right way. But then when I met my sister or Haesook, they said something completely different, which is that free trade is not fair because there is hegemony, militarism, imperialism, and so on. When I heard that, I thought that seemed right, too. Haesook helped me to realize that I didn’t have any stance; I just went back and forth. When I realized that, it felt weird, like I didn’t have any opinions of my own, which was hard to face. But she helped me to see that it’s about choice. She taught me that if I don’t help this person, if I don’t choose one side, that’s also the choice that I don’t choose, and that I don’t help that person. She posed the questions that made me think, and when I realized that I was stuck in the middle, and I should make a decision which way to follow, she helped guide me on that path. She’s still guiding me.

What was a particularly important moment to your politicization?

That period [of not being able to pick a side] was… I think it was the whole of university, so from 2001 until at least to 2010. So for about 10 years. At that time, I asked someone, “Why are you in the social movement?” And she said she had this pain in her heart when she sees injustice, or when she sees the people suffering from injustice. At that time I couldn’t understand what kind of feeling that was. Like, what pain in the heart? And then, in 2011, there was a national demonstration around 8/15 (Korean Independence Day). Every year there is a big demonstration in Korea. And at that time there was one man on the stage from Jeju island. He was talking about Gangjong Village and the naval base[1]. The problem had started four years ago, and it had been four years that Ganjong Village suffered from the problem. And when he said that, and explained the situation in Gangjong – at that time, I could feel the pain. I was listening, and he was almost crying – and then it felt like an arrow that went through my body, giving me pain. Because I didn’t know that all that had happened. People in Jeju island suffered for four years, and I didn’t know about it. So I think that moment was very important for me. And that time, I understood why people work so hard in the social movement. I think that was the third inspiration that caused me to join the social movement.

Why do you believe international solidarity is an important issue to focus on?

The relationship between people is the most important thing, but people who are living in the capitalist society can’t see [those] relationships well. The capitalist system tries to cut all the natural ties that people have to each other. So I think it’s important to remind people to see that we are all connected. If there is a problem in Korea, it’s not only limited [to] Korea, it’s connected to all other countries as well. And the problems in other countries can affect Korea as well. So the way to solve this problem is to build solidarity with people among all of the countries. Since we are all connected, if the problem is solved in only one country, it doesn’t mean that every country’s problem is solved. The goal should not be about making Korea the best in the world, but rather about allowing every one to live well together. So I think it’s important to see the connection between people and between countries. In Korean education, you’re taught that you have to be the best to be a successful person. But if you start to see things as connected, you cannot live well by yourself. You have to have people around you. It’s about cooperation, not competition.

What is your favorite memory of working in the social movement?

There are a couple of them. The first memory that comes to mind is when we had a candlelight vigil and demonstration in 2008 protesting the importing of mad cow beef. At that time, I wasn’t working for the ISC and I didn’t call myself an activist, but I participated in the action with my sister. There were a lot of people, and we occupied the whole road in Chongno, so that no cars could pass. At that time I felt so good. And a similar thing happened last month, at a protest for Sewolho in September. People were trying to make it to Gwanghwamun Square, but the police cars were blocking their way. It was pouring rain, but people kept shouting, and refused to leave, because they wanted to stay with the victims’ families. So I stayed as well, and I also shouted at the police. But in both of these memories, because we were all together, that made us powerful. So I think my favorite memories are of when I participated in demonstrations, because at that time I could feel the power of the people. I’m actually very easily frightened, so I usually don’t break any laws. I don’t even cross the street when it’s a red light, because I’m afraid that one policeman will see me and say, “You broke the law!” I’m that easily frightened. But when I’m with other people like that, I don’t feel that fear, because we’re together.

How do you sustain your political commitment, and how do you overcome the difficulties that come with living a sustained existence to struggle?

Up until last year, I was working in a hagwon, and I was always busy then. There were classes I had to teach, but I also had to call tons of parents to talk about their kids. So it was really difficult because there is only one reason I did it – I loved teaching, but I did that work for the money. So I couldn’t find a lot of value in the work I did. The teaching part I loved, but the rest was so difficult. And sometimes it even felt like I was going in the wrong direction. Like, I felt that it’s not a good way to educate kids, but I had to do it, because the hagwon wanted me to do it and I had to do it in order to get paid. So at the time I could make enough money, but I wasn’t happy at all. Then, I quit my job and started to work at the ISC. Sometimes I think it’s busier – like, I have a lot more work. Sometimes I work during the weekend, and I go home late. But I know why I do it. And I know the value my work has. So having that belief gives me the strength to go through these physical difficulties. And if I have some questions or concerns, there are always people around me I can count on. The relationships at my workplace before were good but they weren’t deep. We got along well, we went on trips together, we talked about a lot about work, but it was hard for us – me, especially – to share deep questions or ideas. But now, working in the ISC, if I have questions, they are always open to sharing and talking about our thoughts. I think that’s helped me make it through the difficulties.

It’s very hard work though. To be honest, sometimes, I feel very tired, and I don’t want to do this work. There was even a time that I felt like – what am I doing? Am I doing the right thing, or… is it possible for us to do these things? But then, you can go back to history, to people who lived through history. For example, during the age of slavery – slaves didn’t know when they would get freedom, but some of them were working for freedom, even though they didn’t know if they would live to see the result. So it’s important for me to contribute to the path going forward. Right now I cannot see the outcome, but I believe that I am contributing or that I am helping the way to progress. But there are moments, still I have moments, where I wonder if this work that I do right now, that makes me tired – is it worth doing? Still there are times. But then I ask the others – I have this kind of questions, I have this kind of concern – and the people around me give me some advice, or strength, so that I can move on. That’s what I call “people insurance.” I think [international solidarity] is a very big issue. It’s going to be a very long way. And it’s not a rosy road. But, I think – I believe it’s worth doing. And I hope I can contribute – even a little – to progress.

What is the most important lesson you’ve learned in political work or as an activist, and how did you learn it?

I think that it’s all about relationships. Before, I pursued other things in my life, like economic stability, or providing for my own family, and no one else. But after working in the movement, I started to learn that there are more important things than money, or my own family – my family’s still very important to me, but it ‘s not more important – it has an equal level of importance. I think I learned this because at first, other people in the movement showed me. They showed me with their actions. They weren’t my family, and they weren’t even my friends at first, but when they met me, they made me feel like I was their family. There was no calculation in the relationship, like whether the relationship would have any kind of benefit for them. So that made me think that if society were full of this kind of people who know the value of relationships, then the world would be a much better place than it is now. These days, in the case of my friends who are working in companies, they sometimes talk about how their relationships with their coworkers are so shallow, so they don’t want to meet them after work or during the weekend. So to my friends, I try to explain that there is a different kind of relationship that people can have, based on shared values, or thought, or even life. But it’s hard for people in modern society to have that kind of relationship. I hope that other people can have more meaningful, deep relationships, so they can feel like they belong to something to something somewhere. I think that’s the most important lesson.

 How can people who want to support the Korean social movement provide support?

I think being a part of the social movement is also people who want to change society into a better world. And I think that to change society, we have to change ourselves as well. People, wherever they are, who want to support the social movement, whether in their own country or for other country, they can start from small things. They can start small in their daily life by reading the newspaper and they can start telling other people about what they’ve read. And while they’re doing those things, they’ll meet people who have the same interests. And that’s how community’s made. As they’re doing those things, they’ll learn more about domestic issues, and then they will know they’re not the only ones fighting against injustice or discrimination. And they will continue to meet other people, until finally they meet international society. So, they can start small, and that will lead to people who can help them and lead them further.

 

[1] The village of Gangjong on Jeju island has been resisting the US military plans to build a naval base there for the past four years.

60만번의 트라이/600,000th Try

60만번의 트라이 (or ‘600,000th Try’) is an independent Korean documentary film about the rugby team of Osaka Chosun High School, one of 140 schools in Japan to offer a Korean ethnocentric education for the country’s Korean-ethnic population. On the surface, it’s got all the trappings of a successful sports film; a ragtag yet charismatic group of players, underdog status, surprise injuries, the occasional butting of heads, and (most importantly) a deep-rooted cause to play for. What makes this movie so great though is that in this case, the cause that fuels their fire is triumphing against the years of material and social discrimination that Korean ethnic Japanese have faced (and continue to face even now). On September 24th, 2014, I was able to attend a free screening of the film through the ISC’s relationship with 북녘어린이영양빵공장사업본부, a social enterprise that partners funders in South Korea to a factory in North Korea that manufactures bread for North Korean schoolchildren (a program that, sadly, has not been able to continue since the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye administrations came to power). Since they have been unable to continue their original enterprise, the organization has focused instead on educational and awareness initiative, including film screenings such as this one.

I connected instantly to the movie on a surface level because the film’s main focus, the spirited group of boys making up Chosun High’s rugby team, reminded me of my own high school students last year. From screaming into a pillow over a pretty girl to practically killing each other via an intense game of chicken-fight during school sports day and offering the director a jacket to keep warm, I kept flashing back to countless similar interactions I’d had with my own students last year(both heartwarming and blood-boiling) . Yet the film manages to capture much more than just the natural charisma of its adolescent stars. Through rugby, director 박사유 is able to widen the audience’s perspective upon the conditions of 재일동포 in Japan as a whole, and the difficulties they face not only in gaining support as Koreans from Japan, but recognition from South Koreans as well.

Historically, the majority of Koreans emigrated to Japan in the period of 1930-1945 either as a result of Japanese occupation or to escape political suppression in South Korea (particularly due to the Jeju Massacre in 1948). While they were considered Japanese nationals until 1945 due to Japan’s attempt to completely absorb Korea, by 1948, North and South Korea had both been established, leaving Japanese residents, whom had left their homeland as a unified nation, in somewhat of a no-man’s land. Some elected to obtain South Korean citizenship, but for those who did not, they retained Chosun (or pre-divided) Korean citizenship, which, since South Korea barred those with Chosun citizenship from entering, by default meant closer ties with North Korea.

As the film was screened with Korean subtitles (and occasionally had Japanese audio), I was unable to entirely understand everything; yet I was nevertheless surprised by the amount I was able to understand, as well as the complex feelings it evoked in me as a fellow member of the transnational Korean diaspora currently grappling with my own understanding of the division of Korea. At one point during the film, a student recounts how, during an international rugby competition, he had told a New Zealand player that he was Korean, only to be rebuffed by one of the South Korean rugby players, who insisted that he was Japanese. When asked which one he identifies with, he replies resolutely that “I’m real Korean.” As a third-generation Korean American, it was somewhat startling to see other Korean foreign nationals whose paths diverged from Korea around the same time (or even earlier, in the case of fourth-generation 제일동포s) but under wildly different circumstances, and with wildly different results. The difference between their experiences and that of a typical Korean American is even built into the language used to identify the two; for example, whereas Korean Americans are usually referred to/usually refer to themselves at 재미교포 (je-mi-kyo-po), the individuals in the film all referred to themselves as 재일동포 (je-il-dong-po). While the first two characters, 재 (je) and 미/일 (me/il) merely serve to mark one’s location (미/”mi” for America and 일/”il” for Japan, respectively), the difference is that “교포” (kyopo) has a more ‘neutral,’ and thus a distanced connotation, while “동포” (dongpo) has connotations of compatriatism. In referring to themselves as “동포,” the individuals in the film were making a clear statement of ownership of their Korean identity. The distinction comes at an interesting time for me as I attempt to explore my own identity and relationship to Korea. Previously unaware of this distinction, I had always referred to myself as a “재미교포,” but after talking with Daehan, a fellow transnational Korean who resettled in Korea with the express purpose of engaging in shared struggle despite some of the difficulties, I can see how the practice of automatically referring to “재미”s as “교포”s discounts his identity, his presence in Korea, and the work he is committed to doing. I’m honestly not sure where I stand on the issue. Not having seven years of commitment here to claim like Daehan, and with my own complexes about being Korean, is “동포” something I can claim? Is it something I want to claim?

Perhaps what struck me most as I watched was the tight-knit sense of community amongst those in the film. Something that I found interesting was that the individuals in the film were by no means representative of the majority of the Korean ethnic Japanese population in Japan; most 재일동포 have attempted to assimilate into Japanese society, preferring to think of themselves as Japanese, attend Japanese school, and even pass as ethnic Japanese. In one poignant scene, some of the Osaka Chosun students bike around the neighborhood attempting to contact old friends who used to attend their school but have transferred to Japanese schools, asking them to attend a bonfire; at the end, they bike home alone. Yet, 박사유 also shows the vitality of the community through the many gatherings the community holds (which somehow always seem to end in a shirtless competition, a familiar sight based on my own outings in Korea). Through community, we endure and gain the strength to continue the struggle.